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I WAS ON DUTY
AT THE Foreign Ministry, in my old office at the Quai d'Orsay, when an urgent
call came in from Tatarstan. An officer of the Armee de l'Air appeared on the
screen, a gash visible above his eyebrow. "There's been an attack on the
delegation," he said. "Fleury has been killed, several others
wounded." Jean-Dominique
Fleury, dead? It seemed unbelievable. When we were young diplomats, Jean-Do
led me one night on a drunken excursion through the clubs of Brazzaville in
the Congo Republic. We met two beautiful Peace Corps workers from the United
States, and after a wild ride back to the hotel, made love to them in the
same room. Death and
Jean-Do did not belong together. But the report was reliable, and the news
would be broadcast soon by Agence France-Presse. Margherita, Jean-Do's widow,
would have to be told immediately. I selected
Margherita's entry from my phone contact list. She answered the call right
away. She was outdoors, in the Place des Vosges by the look of it. "Margherita,
it's Roland. Something's happened." "Somethingbad?"
The image went jerky due to her attempts to juggle the phone. "The
worst." I paused a moment to compose myself, so my voice wouldn't crack.
"Jean-Dominique. I'm sorry, he's dead." "Oh, my
God." "The
motorcade was attacked." "Could
there be a mistake? Could he still be alive?" "I'm
afraid not." It would be hard for her, raising two children on her own.
"Margherita, if there is anything you need, you know you can rely on
me." "Thank
you, Roland." My next call
was to the Minister, who would no doubt contact the President. I kept the
staff until 21:00 that evening, getting the latest from Tatarstan and
arranging for the return of Jean-Do's remains. Later, as I cleared my desk, I
received a call from the Elysee Palace. My presence was requested at a
breakfast meeting the next morning. When I
arrived at the Elysee, Jacques Roux-Levy, the President's Special Counselor,
was the only one there. He was sporting a ridiculous goatee that made him
look like a twentieth-century revolutionary agitator. "How
avant-garde, Jacques! A nice touch," I said. "Where is everyone
else?" "No one
else has been invited," Roux-Levy said. I was struck
dumb. I'd seen the President many times before as JeanDo's deputy; now I
would meet with him on my own. Not that I'd been terribly impressed by the
man up until now. How had Chavanne amassed a fortune of twenty million euros
when he'd been on the government payroll for the last fifteen years? By
steering a few deals to this contractor or that, perhaps? Roux-Levy led
me into the President's office, where we settled down around a small table
piled high with brioche. "Good
morning, Monsieur Jolivet." The President shook my hand. "This
affair in the Volga -- it's getting worse and worse. Now it has taken our
Jean-Dominique." The President
looked at me intently. At that moment, he no longer seemed to me like Marcel
Chavanne, former mayor of Bordeaux. He was heir to De Gaulle and Mitterand;
he embodied the Republic. I knew I'd be unable to turn down any request he
made. "But
affairs of state are relentless," President Chavanne said. "The
Russian and Tatar Presidents have accepted French mediation. We must not
fail. Our reputation as a serious player internationally is at stake. Are you
prepared to take over the assignment?" I was unable
to avoid a fawning response. "I will offer nothing less than what Fleury
has already given," I said. "Very
good," said the President. "Jacques, let the Prime Minister know
that Monsieur Roland Jolivet will be the new Special Presidential Envoy for
Mediation of the Volga Crisis." "Who
knows?" the President whispered to me. "With success in a high
profile matter, what's to stop you from being named a minister in the next
government?" I felt a
touch of vertigo at the sudden prospect of an ascent to a ministerial post,
until I realized this was one of Chavanne's motivational tricks. The
President was famous for getting people to do things they didn't want to do. The Volga
Crisis was my problem now. With Jean-Do's military liaison still in the
hospital, I was assigned Brigadier General Hubert Clauzon. I arranged to meet
him at one of my favorite lunch spots, Les Trifles. Clauzon, in a freshly
pressed uniform, was waiting for me in the private dining room when I
arrived. I shook his hand. "You
come highly recommended," I said. "I hope
I can be of service," Clauzon said. "You
certainly can. If I'm alive next year, I'll send you a thank-you note." Clauzon
smoothed his mustache. "Security for the upcoming trip will be at Level
Five. I can go over the arrangements." "Never
mind." I waved him off. "That's your line of work. I'm sure I can't
give you any pointers." The sommelier
entered with a bottle of 2009 Haut-Batailley I'd reserved. After I approved
the wine, he filled each glass. "My
predecessor made very little progress before he was killed," I said.
"I need a new angle, and you can help." "How
so?" Clauzon took a sip of wine. I waited for
the wine steward to leave before I continued. "The mind field. It's an
exceptional discovery, and a coup for France." "Indeed."
"So much
of the work was done in Toulouse by Besson and his team. To prove that it
actually exists, and to vindicate perhaps the greatest Frenchman of all,
Descartes. I find that thrilling." "Ah, but
Descartes missed the most important fact." Clauzon set down his glass.
"The mind and brain interact through the exchange of energy." "But for
one living at the time of Louis XIII, he was pretty nearly right." "But
what has this to do with the Volga crisis?" I placed my
elbows on the table and leaned forward. "I've heard--don't ask me from
whom-- that the funding of mind field research by the Ministry of Defense is
not solely for the purpose of expanding human knowledge." A young woman
with a gorgeous bust and top security clearance had told me that, but Clauzon
didn't need to know. "If you
think we have produced a breakthrough weapon, you are mistaken." I shrugged my
shoulders. "A weapon? No. I'd have no use for it. You make the war,
Hubert. I bring the peace." The waiter
came in and took our order. After he departed, I said, "I've heard of a
device that reproduces the mind field of all living beings within a given
space. It can determine what a person is seeing or hearing, smelling, tasting
or thinking. I understand one of the applications may be to help in
interrogating prisoners." "You are
remarkably well-informed," Clauzon said. "With
these Eastern Europeans being the difficult lot they are, it occurs to me
that I'd reach a settlement more easily if I knew where their bottom lines
were." Clauzon
tilted his head back. "I see that would give you an advantage, but is it
proper in the diplomatic field?" I twirled the
stem of my wine glass. "If I can avoid a bloody conflict between Russia
and Tatarstan, who can say it's not proper?" Clauzon was a
bit of a moralist. I found this curious in one who kills for a living. But he
agreed to learn more about mind field technology and report back to me. My great fear
was that the thing came with a helmet or a bunch of electrodes. How could I persuade
the President of Russia to put it on? What would I tell him -- it's the
latest men's fashion from Galeries Lafayette? Clauzon got
back to me within twenty-four hours. "The device is entirely
non-invasive," he said. "The subject needn't even know of its
existence." "How big
is it?" I asked. "Can it fit in a suitcase?" "No. It
takes up an entire room." "Damn!
If I can't bring it with me, it's not of much use." I remained in
Paris until the funeral. The President was there, along with the Premier and
most of the cabinet. As I watched Jean-Do's coffin being lowered into the
grave, I felt a knot in my stomach that was not just for his sake -- I
wondered if I might not be the next one placed in French soil. Margherita
Fleury looked lovely in a below-the-knee black dress. With my wife Isabelle
at my side, I offered condolences. "I'm so sorry, Margherita. How are
you holding up?" Margherita
squeezed my hand, then hugged me, her breasts pressing against my ribs.
"Take care, Roland," Margherita said, her French colored with a
light Italian accent. "We don't want to lose you, too." Margherita,
sobbing, loosened her grip and turned to hug Isabelle. Early the
next morning, I flew off in a military jet for Tatarstan, together with
General Clauzon and the rest of the delegation. The Tatars, the northernmost
Muslim nation in the world, live at the same latitude as Denmark. As we
descended into Kazan airport, eight hundred kilometers east of Moscow, I had
a marvelous view of the Volga. We were met
at the airport by the Tatar foreign minister. He invited me to join him in an
armored personnel carrier for the short trip to Kazan, the Tatar capital. Along the
way, the Tatar official recounted details of the attack which killed Jean-Do.
A precision-guided missile struck Jean-Do's limousine as it neared a lakeside
resort where talks were scheduled. "From the wreckage, we've identified
the missile as a Chuikov-3," he said in Russian. "This proves
Russian army involvement." "You
know as well as I do," I responded in Russian, "that those missiles
could have come from the black market." "Perhaps,"
the foreign minister conceded. I met the
Tatar President in his offices in the Kazan Kremlin. Ali Mustafayev, an
international figure in the world of ballet, had been living in London for
two decades when he was asked to return home to take the Tatar Presidency.
Mustafayev had a slim build, with dark hair and vaguely Asiatic features that
reminded me of Lenin. "It's a
great honor to meet you," I said in French. "I once saw you as Don
Quixote at the Opera Bastille." Mustafayev
grinned. "It was a very special production for me. Rudolf Nureyev had
been Artistic Director of the Paris Opera Ballet. Nureyev was my idol -- he
was a Tatar of Muslim heritage like me, not a Russian. To dance with what had
once been his company was a dream fulfilled." Mustafayev
placed an arm on my shoulder. "Come, let me show you the grounds." Surrounded by
bodyguards, we toured the Kazan Kremlin. "The Russian 'Kremlin,'"
he said, "comes from the Tatar word for 'fortress.' When Ivan the
Terrible sacked the city in 1552, this Kremlin was our last stronghold. You
see the tower there?" "The one
that looks a bit like a Chinese pagoda?" "When
Ivan approached, the last Queen of Kazan pitched herself off that
tower." How gruesome
these Easterners are, I thought. Of course, we Western Europeans were hardly
better. In the Paris of that era, the streets ran red with the blood of
thousands of Protestants slain on Saint Bartholomew's Night. "This is
beautiful," I said, in front of a small mosque with a slender, soaring
minaret carved from white stone. As I gazed up at the spire, I nearly
expected Rapunzel to let down her long golden hair. "This is
the Azimov Mosque," Mustafayev said. "We're a Muslim nation, but
not extreme. We are Europeans. The Bolshevik Revolution modernized us." "At
tremendous cost." "Indeed.
Nowadays, I prefer the Liberte, Egalite, Fraternite of the French
Revolution." Mustafayev gripped my upper arm tightly. "It took more
than two hundred years for the freedom you won to reach this side of the
European continent. We won't ever give it up again." In France, I
consider a devoted attachment to the French Revolution to be rather passe.
Too many guillotines. But Mustafayev nearly had me choked up. I reminded
myself not to let sentiment interfere with the affairs of state. The rest of
the afternoon passed without incident, and I spent a night at the Kazan
Hilton amid tight security. I eased the housekeeping staff's workload by
sharing a bed with Marie-Therese, the delegation's protocol officer. The next
morning, I flew to Sheremetevo Airport in Moscow. An armored limousine picked
me up and delivered me to the "other" Kremlin. I met with the
Russian leader, Vassily Kovansky, at a luncheon inside the presidential
palace. The sumptuous spread included sturgeon and caviar, beef, lamb, and a
variety of noodles and potato dishes. "Don't
underestimate us, my friend," President Kovansky said. The heavy-jowled
Kovansky's blond hair was streaked with gray. He spoke in an earthy Russian
that I struggled with at times. "Napoleon once occupied this very
Kremlin in which we enjoy this wonderful meal. We did not surrender; we
burned Moscow and retreated deeper into our heartland. Less than three years
later, our troops were in Paris." I wiped my
lips with a yellow cloth napkin. "I know it's difficult to accept a
Tatar state within the Russian heartland. But you revoked the treaty
recognizing Tatar autonomy within the Federation. You provoked them into
declaring independence." "No, you
don't understand, my friend," Kovansky said. "The Tatars have been
a menace throughout Russian history. They wiped out whole cities. Their
leader Batu was the grandson of Genghis Khan. For two hundred years, Russia
was under the Tatar yoke, until finally Tsar Ivan destroyed it." Kovansky
snatched a leg of lamb off a serving plate, and bit into it with evident
satisfaction. "Tsar Ivan in the West is called 'terrible.'" Kovansky
pronounced the word as in the English language. "But the Russian,
grozny, really means 'awesome.' He was Ivan the Awesome." "The
Tatars you fear are long gone," I said. "There
you are wrong. The symbol of our country is the bear. The bear hibernates. They
are hibernating too, waiting to wake up, to turn on Russia again." Genghis Khan
and hibernating bears! I pursed my lips to avoid snickering. "You're
telling me you are afraid of Mustafayev?" Kovansky
laughed. "Ballet Man? Of course not. He's a front. But there are people
behind him." Kovansky glared at me. "No, a Muslim state on the
Volga is unthinkable. The river, we call it Matuschka Volga, Mother Volga.
You think I'm going to let some Tatar to have his way with my mother?" I flew back
discouraged. A week later, I was at my Quai d'Orsay office when I received
more alarming news. I had General Clauzon up on a big wall-mounted video
screen which normally lies hidden behind Second Empire-style drapery. "The
Russian army has announced upcoming exercises involving two armored divisions
in the Pavlovo region," Clauzon said. "That's near Nizhny Novgorod,
about three hundred kilometers west of Kazan. I'd say Kovansky wants to
intimidate the Tatars." "Any
chance of an actual invasion?" I asked. "The
landscape is flat with no natural obstacles. If they can cross the Volga,
there's not much to stop them from driving straight to Kazan." I glanced out
my window at the golden horses of the Alexander III bridge over the Seine.
The last Russian Tsar, Nicholas II, laid the cornerstone to the bridge and
named it after his father. In 1918, Nicholas was shot to death in a cellar in
Ekaterinburg, a few hundred kilometers east of Kazan, in Siberia. "Right
now, Hubert, I wish I could sneak a peek at Kovansky's mind field. I might
prevent a fatal misunderstanding if I could predict his next move." Clauzon
arched an eyebrow. "You
see, Mustafayev hopes Kovansky is bluffing. As long as there's that hope,
Mustafayev won't give up the dream of independence. If Kovansky intends to
invade, and we can prove this in well, I believe Mustafayev will back down
rather than have his people butchered by the Russians." "The
Ministry is not prepared," Clauzon said, "to reveal technical
methods to a foreign leader." "So we
mask the origin -- we say we have a source inside Kovansky's circle." "Okay,"
Clauzon said. "If you get Kovansky onto French soil, we can open him up
and look inside." The President
of the Republic extended a hastily arranged invitation to Kovansky for a
state visit. Three weeks remained until the Russian military exercises. I
arranged for the deployment of Clauzon's gadget through Roux-Levy, the
President's Special Counselor, who said, "The President, while entirely
unaware of its use, is fully supportive of your effort." I greeted the
Russian President upon his arrival at Charles de Gaulle airport. The
limousine delivered us to the courtyard of the Elysee Palace. The President
of the Republic greeted Kovansky in the marble entrance hall. After friendly
remarks conveyed through a translator, President Chavanne said, "I must
rejoin the National Federation of Agriculture meeting in my office. If not,
the farmers will drive their tractors onto highways, and block all routes
entering Paris." The Russian
president nodded. "I've had headaches like that too." "Genevieve
will show you about the palace," President Chavanne said. "I will
rejoin you at 14:00 in the Salon Pompadour." Genevieve
Allegre was a young presidential aide with a fine derriere, succulent legs,
and, while her bosom resembled the salt flats of the Rhone delta more than
the uplands of the Massif Central, she compensated for it with an adorable
little nose and scintillating hazel eyes. I momentarily
forgot the business at hand as Genevieve led us on a tour of the formal rooms
of the Elysee. Kovansky and I were finally able to settle down in armchairs
in the Salon Pompadour at 13:30. I had in fact carefully arranged with
Roux-Levy for time alone with Kovansky. Clauzon's device was literally under
our feet, filling a private area one floor below. The device would be shut
off at 14:00, when the President of the Republic entered the room. "His
secrets must remain his own," Roux-Levy had said. I tried to
get Kovansky to focus his thoughts on the Volga crisis. Unfortunately, his
mind was elsewhere. "Genevieve
is a beautiful woman," Kovansky said. "French women are very
stylish, how do you say, chic ?" "There
are many beautiful women among the Russians," I said. "But not
so chic, right?" "Paris
is the capital of style." "Russian
women look best with their clothes off. With clothes off, there is no chic.
Am I right?" I nodded.
"It's what they're born with that's essential. But perhaps we could talk
about the Tatars?" He furrowed
his brow. "The Tatar women, I don't care for. But, they say that some of
the most beautiful Russian women have Tatar blood." He tapped a finger
on the left side of his face. "The high cheekbones." "Doesn't
that suggest a need for peaceful relations between your two peoples ?" "No. It
suggests that Russians must be on top." Kovansky
laughed at his little joke. He proceeded to lecture me on the merits of the
female population of the various nations of the world. Kovansky had a special
fondness for Afghan women, which he developed while serving with Russian
forces occupying Afghanistan. He seemed to especially like it when they were
unwilling. I found him repellent. It went on
like this until the doors opened and President Chavanne entered the room. My
only hope, I told myself bitterly, was that while talking about women,
Kovansky was really thinking about the Volga crisis. It was
forty-eight hours before the results of Kovansky's mind field scan were
available. I drove out to a research facility southwest of Paris in
Chatillon, and met Clauzon in the lobby. We passed through a metal detector,
stepped down a bare corridor, and entered a soundproof conference room. After
we closed the door and sat down, Clauzon cocked his head back and said,
"You and Jean. Dominique Fleury's widow? Do you think that's wise?"
I stared at
him in amazement. "Jean-Dominique had his liaisons. It's only fair that
Margherita had her own to enjoy." "It's
not of recent vintage?" "No. No.
To start something so soon after his death would not be right," I said.
"No. It's of long standing." Clauzon
twisted his wedding ring. "That is better, I suppose." I sighed.
"I wondered whether your machine would catch me." "Don't
worry," Clauzon said. "Compared to Kovansky, you're Saint
Louis." Not compared
to Hubert Clauzon though, I thought. His manner irked me. I needed him,
though, so I let the remark pass. "What did you find out about
Kovansky?" I asked. "Russian
special forces plan to assassinate several Tatar leaders, with the aim of
provoking revenge attacks upon the Russian minority in Tatarstan. This will
give Kovansky the pretext of turning the forthcoming exercises into an
invasion." "Then
we're dealing with the worst case scenario," I said. Clauzon stood
up and paced around the room. "Kovansky
dreams of being a leader on a par with Ivan the Terrible. And he doesn't have
a high opinion of you, by the way." I sat up.
"What does he think of me?" Clauzon
grinned. "He thinks of you mostly as a French poodle, but sometimes as a
wooden puppet with a baguette up your rear." "Well, I
don't like Monsieur Kovansky either." I kicked my chair. "But what
can I do? I have to persuade the Tatars to back down, for their own
good." "There's
something else about Monsieur Kovansky." "What?"
"I'd
rather show you." I followed
Clauzon down a number of corridors, through several security checks, until we
reached an underground room full of electronic equipment. Clauzon introduced
me to a slight, dark-haired man in civilian dress. "Dr. Agnelli is the
brain behind this project." We shook
hands. "It's a pleasure to cooperate with the Foreign Ministry,"
Dr. Agnelli said. "Let's take seats in the screening room. I've created
a visual representation of the data." "You can
have a virtual reality experience of Kovansky's mind field," Clauzon
said, "but I'm sure you'll find the video unsettling enough." "Hubert,
did Kovansky order Fleury's assassination?" I asked. "He had
foreknowledge," Clauzon said. I felt my chest
tighten. "Does he plan to kill me?" Clauzon
shrugged. "It didn't cross his mind during the time we monitored
him." Not an
entirely reassuring answer, I thought. We took seats in a small amphitheater.
"Mind is
inherent in all matter," Agnelli said. "A mountain has more matter
than a human being and therefore more mind, in a purely quantitative sense.
But its mind field is incoherent and thus incapable of conscious
thought." As I will be
if Kovansky has me killed, I thought. "In the
mammalian brain," he continued, "cyclical electrical flows in the
thalamus induce a mind field that is coherent, and therefore conscious."
Conversation
ceased as the lights dimmed. An image flashed onto the screen. I recognized
Genevieve Allegre of the Elysee Palace staff. This was followed by one of
another young woman, and then by Genevieve again. This time she was nude. I
told myself this wasn't the real Genevieve, only Kovansky's fantasy,
Genevieve's head with the torso of another woman. Still, I felt aroused. The succeeding
image was of a young woman, one with lighter hair than Genevieve. She looked
sexy in a red cocktail dress. Her complexion was fresh, brand new, as if
she'd just been taken out of the wrapper. She seemed to be a teenager trying
to appear grown-up. "It gets
worse," Clauzon said. It's not bad
so far, I thought. The image
changed subtly. The nude girl was now set against a dark background, her body
twisted at an odd angle. Then the girl's image faded, and we were left with
one of a spade shoved into the ground next to an open pit. I felt my
stomach turn. "Is this a memory or a fantasy?" I asked. The gruesome
image on the screen was replaced by one of a brandy glass. "Bring
back that shot of the grave," Clauzon said. The image
returned to the screen. "Do you
see the faint line ten degrees below the moon?" Clauzon asked. "Yes."
"On the
hunch that it was a ridge line, I had our mapping unit compare its shape to
terrain contours taken from satellite images." "And?"
Clauzon
smiled. "Overlay the ridge." The image of
a mountain range unfamiliar to me was placed on the screen. It fit perfectly
against the jagged line from Kovansky's mind field. "Sochi,"
Clauzon said. "The
Black Sea resort?" "The
ridge is a section of the North Caucasus above Sochi. Kovansky has owned a
series of dachas in the Sochi region, moving from one to another more
luxurious as his influence expanded." "You've
outdone yourself, Hubert," I shook my head in amazement. "Thanks
to Dr. Agnelli," Clauzon said, nodding in his direction. "Is
there any way we could verify this on the ground?" I asked. "Yes,
but that would require special authorization." "I can
get that for you," I said. With
blessings from on-high, a special intelligence unit was dispatched to the
Caucasus. Meanwhile, a bomb placed in a trash can exploded in central Kazan,
killing one and injuring thirty-four. Speaking on a secure line with the
Tatar President, I said I suspected Russian involvement in the attack, but
asked him not to retaliate. "It would jeopardize new developments,"
I said, "about which I must be necessarily vague." When I
finally got the word from Clauzon, I rushed over to his ministry. On his desk
was a thighbone, encased in clear plastic. "From
the backyard of a dacha owned by Monsieur Kovansky until seven years
ago," Clauzon said. "We made a video of the entire
exhumation." "Ugh!
This guy really is in the tradition of Stalin and Ivan." "We've
identified the victim. Her name was Olga Shelepin." "Any
relation to Major General Yuri Shelepin?" "His
daughter." "My God,
are you sure?" "The
Russians have a data bank which records DNA samples for all their military
personnel for identification in case of death. Unofficially, we have access
to that." I glanced out
the window at a young gendarme on duty with a submachine gun. "The girl
hardly seemed old enough for military, service." "She was
fifteen when she disappeared. But her father was and is in the military. He
and Kovansky were helicopter gunship pilots in Afghanistan. They were closely
associated for many years afterward." "You've
been able to tie this sample to her father's DNA?" "Within
a probability of one in ten thousand million." "Shelepin
is a mean bastard, I hear. Do you think he might know about Kovansky's role?"
"His
daughter's room has been left untouched since she disappeared." Clauzon
handed me a reprint of an article from a Smolensk newspaper. "As to what
Shelepin would do to his daughter's murderer, I wouldn't want to be that
man." I traveled to
Moscow ten days before the military exercises were to take place. During his
meeting with President Chavanne at the Elysee, Kovansky had agreed to further
talks. Back on his home turf in the Kremlin, however, he was if anything less
flexible. I sighed.
"I suppose my mission will be judged a failure in Paris. At least I have
the holidays on the Cote d'Azur to look forward to." "I hear
it's delightful." Kovansky was pleased to change the topic. "My
family spends much of the summer in Antibes. I try to join them for three
weeks in August. I understand you like to spend time at the seashore, too.
Sochi, right?" "You've
been well-briefed," Kovansky said. Casually
reaching into my briefcase for a pen, I said, "Your friend Major General
Shelepin has a dacha there as well." "He used
to. He doesn't go to Sochi anymore." "His
daughter disappeared there, didn't she? That would account for it. It would
bring back bad memories." "Yes,"
Kovansky said in an unruffled tone. "They
never heard from her again?" "Not to
my knowledge," Kovansky said. "Perhaps she was kidnapped by a
Tatar." He was
repellent as ever, I thought. "If she was kidnapped and even murdered,
it would be more reasonable to assume it was done by someone known to her, perhaps
a trusted family friend like yourself." "Your
joke is not amusing," Kovansky said in a near-whisper. "Perhaps
she lies even now covered by a meter or two of earth in the backyard of some
dacha in Sochi." "Our
meeting is finished." Kovansky rose to his feet. "We all
have our little secrets, things we wouldn't want others, even our closest
friends, to know about." I closed my briefcase. Kovansky
stepped toward me. "Say what you mean." "In
France, we have a secret service known as the DGSE," I said. "It's
their job to know your secrets." I thought I
observed a moment of hesitation in Kovansky's eyes. "The
DGSE? Didn't they blow up the ship of those stupid environmentalists-"
"Greenpeace," I said. "Who
were trying to stop French nuclear testing in the South Pacific." "It was
not their best moment, I grant you." "On the
contrary, that's when I began to respect the French." I smiled
involuntarily. "The best secret service, in my opinion, is the one you
never hear about. The one that can keep a secret." "That's
true." "Ours
can keep a secret, your secret, if sufficiently motivated." "For
instance .... " "If you
would recognize Tatarstan as an independent state and pledge not to take any
aggressive action against it." Kovansky
lunged at me, grabbed my briefcase and swung it at me. I stepped out of the
way. "You
think you have me, don't you ? Well, you're mistaken, and if you don't leave
here soon, I'm not responsible for what might happen to you." "Are you
threatening to do to me what you did to Jean-Dominique Fleury?" "I don't
know what you're talking about." I snatched my
briefcase from his hands. "Yes, you do. You do indeed." I left
immediately for Sheremetevo Airport. While awaiting clearance to take off,
however, my jet was asked to return to the gate. I was met by a courier
bearing a message from Kovansky, requesting that I return to the Kremlin one
last time. Had he
changed his mind? I doubted it. Perhaps on the way back my car would be
involved in a fatal "accident." Would he really risk killing me in
Moscow, where his fingerprints would be so apparent? I decided to
chance it. I made it to the Kremlin safely, but to my dismay, I was not
brought in to see Kovansky. Instead, I was handed a padded envelope and
shunted into a small room with electronic equipment. The envelope
contained a video disk. I popped the disk into a video player mounted on the
wall. At first I thought it was one of Kovansky's twisted jokes -- a
pornographic video of a couple in the thralls of passion. But when I saw the
man's face, I realized that the man was me. I stared in astonishment as my
night in the Swissotel Moscow with Marie-Therese from the Protocol Section
was replayed before my eyes, this time from the vantage point of the ceiling.
I could even see a rather large mole on my back, of which I'd not been
previously aware. This was
Kovansky's attempt to balance the scales. A quid pro quo. I protect his
secret, he protects mine. I pulled the video disk out of the player and
slipped it into my briefcase. Then I broke out into audible laughter. He actually
thought he could blackmail me with a sex video. I wished Jean-Do were alive.
He'd have gotten a kick out of it. Kovansky had spent too much time in the
backward parts of Europe. If this were to become known back in Paris I might
get a slap on the wrist, but more likely a pat on the back. Upon leaving
the room, I was met by one of Kovansky's aides, Dmitri Ogarev, who asked me
to return with him to his office. After we sat down, Ogarev asked, "What
do you think about what you've just seen?" "Do you
have any more copies?" I asked. "I'd like to send some to my
friends." Ogarev
shrugged. "I take it you do not care whether this becomes public or
not?" "It will
only enhance my reputation." He stood up
suddenly. "Pffh! I told him it wouldn't work. A man like you requires
something different. That's why I'm authorized to offer you four point two
million euros to be deposited in a Swiss bank account." "Is this
another joke?" "No
joke," Ogarev said. "Do you want the money?" "There
are a lot of things I could do with four million euros." "Four
point two," he said. "Look, we have a general idea of your net
worth, and we're prepared to augment it substantially." He was serious. "I'm
curious," I said. "Have you paid off any other French political
figures ?" "You
don't want to know." Ogarev glanced at a painting of a winter scene
hanging on the wall. "If I told you who I've paid off, I'd have to tell
the next one that I'd paid off Roland Jolivet." "What
would you expect from me in return for your generous gift?" I wondered
what was the likelihood of reaching Paris alive if I turned down the offer.
If, on the other hand, I took the money, I'd only be doing what many
politicians regularly do. "Merely
to stay neutral in the conflict between Russia and Tatarstan. To take a
hands-off approach, and certainly to make sure that any information that
would reflect poorly upon Russia or its President not be disclosed." "I see.
And a hands-off approach, I take it, would imply that Russia and Tatarstan
might not reach a peaceful settlement of their outstanding issues?" "The
money will be provided in three installments," Ogarev said. "One
million up front. One million euros in three months. The final 2.2 million in
nine months, should everything go as promised." "When do
you need an answer?" "At
once." I reflected
briefly. "Make it five million," I said. "Done,"
said Ogarev. I don't
believe I'd have made it back to my plane if I hadn't agreed to take the money;
I'd dickered over the price in order to win his confidence. Once I was
airborne, I placed a call to the Foreign Minister and informed him of the
bribe. He agreed that we would play along with it for the time being, while
Clauzon pursued a back channel to General Shelepin. A few days later, when an
attache from the Russian embassy passed me a sealed envelope with the number
of the Swiss bank account, I passed it on to the Ministry of Finance. On the eve of
the Russian military exercises threatening Kazan, Kovansky flew out to be
with his troops. His Brusilov-330 never made it to the staging area in
Pavlovo. Residents of Tumbotino reported hearing a large explosion; wreckage
was located three kilometers south of town. In the immediate aftermath, the military
exercises were canceled. Initial press
reports suggested that "Tatar terrorists" were responsible. But a
board of inquiry determined that Kovansky himself was at the controls when
the plane got into trouble. Kovansky, a qualified pilot, was known to have
taken the controls on previous flights. This time, however, he reportedly
made an approach despite localized thunderstorms and fell short of the
runway. The findings were widely accepted. After all, the chair of the board
of inquiry was someone perceived to be close to Kovansky -- Major General
Yuri Shelepin. Enough time
has passed and enough of the major players have passed on, that I may now
reveal General Shelepin's own role in the affair. Shelepin's own suspicions
about Kovansky's role in his daughter's disappearance were awakened by our
agents. He proved quite eager to cooperate. Kovansky's Brusilov-330 took off
with a faulty navigational system. It would have crashed no matter who was
piloting the plane. After
Kovansky's death, I was able to broker a deal between the new President of
Russia and the President of Tatarstan. The old treaty that Kovansky had
renounced was revived, with amendments related to mineral rights and the
rights of ethnic minorities. Neither side was fully satisfied by the outcome,
but that's what negotiation is about. The bribe was
returned to the Russian treasury. Sometimes, when I glance about our
apartment on the Boulevard Raspail with its faded elegance, I wonder what
five million euros might have done for its appearance. Still, I have few
regrets. I've had the undeserved support of a very tolerant wife. I've
enioyed the career that Jean-Dominique Fleury might have had, had he lived. I
think he'd be satisfied with what I've made of it, if his mind field somehow
persists in some other realm or cosmic sphere. |